Raytheon to retrofit 130 F-16 center display units

By Geoff Ziezulewicz   |   Sept. 7, 2016 at 10:33 AM

WASHINGTON, Sept. 7 (UPI) -- Raytheon has been awarded a $8.7 million U.S. Air Force primarily firm-fixed-price contract for work on F-16 Fighting Falcon center display units.

The deal calls for Raytheon to retrofit 130 F-16 center display units and support the organic depot maintenance stand-up.

Work will be performed in Indiana and is expected to be completed by September 2017.

The Air Force Life Cycle Management Center is the contracting activity.

The Fighting Falcon is a compact, multi-role fighter that is highly maneuverable and used in air-to-air combat and air-to-surface attack.

It provides a relatively low-cost, high-performance weapon system for the United States and its allies.

The first Fighting Falcon, a single-seat F-16A, was delivered to the service in 1979.

Original post: upi

F-16 center display unit

Obama administration arms sales offers to Saudi top $115 billion: report

WORLD NEWS | Wed Sep 7, 2016 3:20pm EDT

By Yara Bayoumy | WASHINGTON

U.S. President Barack Obama's administration has offered Saudi Arabia more than $115 billion in weapons, other military equipment and training, the most of any U.S. administration in the 71-year U.S.-Saudi alliance, a report seen by Reuters has found.

The report, authored by William Hartung of the U.S.-based Center for International Policy, said the offers were made in 42 separate deals, and the majority of the equipment has yet to be delivered. Hartung told Reuters the report would be made available publicly on Sept. 8.

The report said U.S. arms offers to Saudi Arabia since Obama took office in January 2009 have included everything from small arms and ammunition to tanks, attack helicopters, air-to-ground missiles, missile defense ships, and warships. Washington also provides maintenance and training to Saudi security forces.

The Center's report is based on data from the Defense Security Cooperation Agency, a Department of Defense body that provides figures on arms sales offers and Foreign Military Sales agreements. Most of the offers, which are reported to Congress, become formal agreements though some are abandoned or amended. The report did not disclose how many of the offers to Saudi Arabia were agreed.

Washington's arms sales to Riyadh recently have come under fire from rights groups and some members of Congress are disturbed by the rising number of civilian casualties in the war in Yemen, where a coalition led by Saudi Arabia is fighting Iran-allied Houthi rebels.

The conflict has killed at least 10,000 people. Last month the United Nations human rights office said that 3,799 civilians have died in the conflict, with coalition air strikes responsible for an estimated 60 percent of the deaths.

The coalition says it does not target civilians and accuses the Houthis of placing military targets in civilian areas. The coalition has created a body to investigate civilian casualties.

The outcry over those casualties has led some members of Congress to push for restrictions on arms transfers, and amid the growing outcry, the Pentagon cautioned that its support for Saudi Arabia in its Yemen campaign was not "a blank check".

The Control Arms coalition, a group that campaigns for stricter arms sales controls, said last month that Britain, France and the United States were flouting the 2014 Arms Trade treaty, which bans exports of conventional weapons that fuel human rights violations or war crimes.

Nevertheless, the Obama administration last month approved a potential $1.15 billion arms package for Saudi Arabia.

Hartung said the level of U.S. arms sales to Riyadh should give it leverage to pressure Saudi Arabia.

"It's time for the Obama administration to use the best leverage it has - Saudi Arabia's dependence on U.S. weapons and support - to wage the war in Yemen in the first place," Hartung told Reuters.

"Pulling back the current offer of battle tanks or freezing some of the tens of billions in weapons and services in the pipeline would send a strong signal to the Saudi leadership that they need stop their indiscriminate bombing campaign and take real steps to prevent civilian casualties."

Washington has been at pains to prove to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf allies that it remains committed to their defense against Iran in the wake of a multinational deal last year to restrict the Iranian nuclear program. Sunni Muslim Gulf states accuse Shi'ite Iran of fomenting instability in the region, which the Islamic Republic denies.

"The more recent deals that have involved resupplying Saudi Arabia with ammunition, bombs, and tanks to replace weaponry used up or damaged in the war in Yemen are no doubt driven in part by the effort to 'reassure' the Saudis that the U.S. will not tilt towards Iran in the wake of the nuclear deal," Hartung said.

(Writing by Yara Bayoumy; Editing by John Walcott and Diane Craft)

Original post: reuters

U.S. Arms Transfers to Saudi Arabia and the War in Yemen

September 7, 2016 | Policy Brief

By William D. Hartung

Introduction

           The debate over the recent U.S. offer to sell M1A2 Abrams battle tanks to Saudi Arabia has raised the question of Saudi dependency on U.S. equipment for its defense needs in general and for the prosecution of its war in Yemen in particular. Saudi Arabia has requested up to 153 tanks, 20 of which have been described by the Pentagon as being destined to replenish vehicles damaged in the war in Yemen. The deal also includes related equipment, including machine guns, grenade launchers, night vision devices, and ammunition.[1]

           The tank deal, worth an estimated $1.15 billion, is the third recent offer that has involved replenishing Saudi weaponry damaged or used up in Yemen.  The others were a July 2015 offer of $500 million in ammunition to the Royal Saudi Land Forces (RSLF) and a November 2015 offer of $1.29 billion worth of bombs and air-to-ground missiles to the Royal Saudi Air Force (RSAF).[2]

The tank deal has sparked controversy in Congress because it signals continuing U.S. support for the Saudi military effort in Yemen despite its devastating humanitarian impact, which has included bombings of schools, hospitals, marketplaces, and other non-military targets. Houthi forces have also inflicted civilian casualties that appear to violate the laws of war, but UN officials estimate that that the majority of the 3,000 civilian casualties in the war are the result of air strikes by the Saudi coalition.[3]  According to U.N. human rights chief Zeid Ra’ad al Hussein, “It would seem the coalition is responsible for twice as many civilian casualties as all other forces put together, virtually all as a result of air strikes.”[4]  Analyses by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have also found that the Saudi air campaign has included the use of U.S.-supplied cluster munitions, which are banned under a treaty signed by 119 nations – but not by the United States or Saudi Arabia.[5]

           The Saudi-led intervention has included a naval blockade which has made it difficult to get basic supplies into the country, contributing to a humanitarian emergency that has left millions of Yemenis without adequate food, clean water, or medical care.[6]

        Rep. Ted Lieu (D-CA), who has taken a lead role in putting together a bipartisan letter signed by 64 members of Congress calling for a delay in the tank deal, has denounced the Saudi war in Yemen in no uncertain terms: “The actions of the Saudi-led Coalition in Yemen are as reprehensible as they are illegal. The multiple, repeated airstrikes on civilians look like war crimes.”[7]  Lieu has also said that “the Saudi military's operational conduct in Yemen and the killing of civilians with U.S.-made weapons have harmed our national security interests, and I will continue to oppose any arms sale that contributes to its operations in that arena."[8]

        Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT), who has co-sponsored legislation with Rep. Rand Paul (R-KY) that would set additional conditions on military sales to Saudi Arabia – including proof that the Saudis are taking “all feasible precautions” to prevent civilian harm in Yemen -- told CNN that “there is an American imprint on every civilian life lost in Yemen.”[9]

        Another sign of growing Congressional opposition to providing U.S. arms to Saudi Arabia that could be used in its intervention in Yemen came earlier this year when an amendment to prohibit the sale of U.S. cluster munitions, initiated by Rep. John Conyers (D-MI), almost passed the House, losing on a vote of 216 to 204.[10]

           The tank deal is just one small portion of the tens of billions worth of U.S. arms that have been offered to Saudi Arabia since the beginning of the Obama administration. The salience of the deal derives from its timing, in the midst of Saudi-led intervention in Yemen that has had devastating effects on civilians in that country.  The debate over the deal is about more than just tanks.  It is about whether the United States will continue to fuel the Saudi war effort without demanding, at a minimum, that the Saudis demonstrate a serious commitment to preventing civilian casualties.

           This issue brief provides information on the amounts and types of U.S.-supplied equipment in the Saudi arsenal, with a focus on air and ground forces.  Much of this equipment has been put to use in the war in Yemen.

Major U.S. Arms Sales Offers to Saudi Arabia Since 2009

        Since taking office in January 2009, the Obama administration has offered over $115 billion worth of weapons to Saudi Arabia in 42 separate deals, more than any U.S. administration in the history of the U.S.-Saudi relationship.[11] The majority of this equipment is still in the pipeline, and could tie the United States to the Saudi military for years to come.[12]

        U.S. arms offers to Saudi Arabia since 2009 have covered the full range of military equipment, from small arms and ammunition, to howitzers, to tanks and other armored vehicles, to attack helicopters and combat aircraft, to bombs and air-to-ground missiles, to missile defense systems, to combat ships.[13]  The United States also provides billions in services, including maintenance and training, to Saudi security forces.  For example, Vinnell Arabia, a division of Northrop Grumman, is involved in a $4 billion effort to train and equip the Saudi Arabian National Guard (SANG), which, according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies, has played a key role in the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen.[14]

        The following sections will focus on U.S. arms currently in the Saudi arsenal as well as those that are on the way.

Ground Forces

        Whether or not the tank deal goes through, Saudi Arabia will have a substantial number of U.S.-supplied armored vehicles.  Data from the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) indicate that the Saudi Royal Land Forces (RSLF) possess over 2,000 U.S.-origin armored vehicles, including 200 M-1A2S main battle tanks that are ready for combat, with 170 more in various states of disrepair; 390 M-60A3 tanks (the generation prior to the M-1); 385 Bradley armed infantry fighting vehicles; and 1,190 M-113 armored personnel carriers. The Saudi land forces also possess a variety of U.S. artillery pieces, including 110 M-109A1B/A2 howitzers.[15]

            The new tank deal, if approved, would represent a major increase in the number of modern tanks available use in conflicts like the current war in Yemen – 153 M1A2/A2S vehicles versus the 200 currently in service.[16]

           While Riyadh's most prominent role in the war in Yemen is its leadership in the air war (see below), Saudi Arabia has a substantial ground presence as well.  IISS estimates the number of Saudi ground forces involved in the conflict as 750.  Saudi forces have made extensive use of U.S.-supplied tanks, as evidenced by the fact that Saudi Arabia has had up to 60 tanks and other armored vehicles destroyed in the fighting.[17]  The Obama administration’s commitment to sell these vehicles gives reassurance to the Saudis that any tanks lost in the Yemen war will be replaced, thereby making it easier for Riyadh to sustain the current war effort.  Information on the impact of Saudi tank warfare on civilians requires further investigation.  Compiling this kind of information has been extremely difficult in the face of the dangers of the fighting, along with concerted efforts by the Saudis to prevent journalists or independent investigators from entering the country.[18]

Aircraft

           More than half of Saudi Arabia’s 325 combat capable aircraft have been supplied by the United States, including 151 F-15s; 5 E-3A airborne early warning and control aircraft; 7 KC-130 refueling tankers; and 30 C-130H Hercules transport planes.  Of the 151 F-15s, 70 are F-15S fighter/ground attack aircraft.[19] The F-15S’s have played a central role in the Saudi bombing campaign, along with 69 Tornado aircraft supplied by the United Kingdom and 53 Eurofighter Typhoons produced by a consortium of companies based in the U.K., Germany, Italy and Spain.  There are 84 more F-15’s on the way as part of a deal that was announced to Congress in October 2010.[20]  According to the Pentagon’s official notification, the deal also includes an upgrade of 70 Royal Saudi Air Force F-15S fighters.

        As of this writing it is not clear how many of the 84 planes on offer have been delivered.

           As noted above, the Saudi-led bombing campaign has also been bolstered by the provision of targeting information, logistical support, and daily refueling of coalition aircraft by U.S. personnel.[21]

           The Saudi armed forces also have 39 Apache attack helicopters, with 35 allotted to the Royal Saudi Land Forces and 4 allotted to the Saudi Arabian National Guard.[22]  There are 70 more Apaches – a near doubling of the current force – on the way as part of deals announced to Congress in October 2010.[23]  

           In addition to the Apaches,  the U.S. has offered to sell Saudi Arabia 9 Black Hawk utility helicopters with related equipment and 20 C130J transport aircraft.[24]

Bombs and Missiles

           The International Institute for Strategic Studies lists JDAMs (Joint Direct Attack Munitions) and Paveway guided bombs as the main bombs in the Saudi arsenal, but their stockpile is much more diversified, and includes U.S.-supplied cluster bombs.  The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute has reported deliveries of 1,900 JDAMS and 3,200 Paveway bombs from the U.S. to Saudi Arabia, but the figure is likely much higher. The November 2015 offer cited above included over 19,000 bombs.[25]

Other U.S.-Supplied Equipment

           As noted above, this issue brief focuses primarily on the role of U.S. weapons in Saudi air and ground forces, but there are two other connections worth noting.  U.S.-supplied Patriot missile defense systems have been used, with some success, to shoot down Houthi missiles aimed at targets in Saudi Arabia.[26] In September 2014 the Pentagon announced a $1.7 billion deal to provide Saudi Arabia with 202 Patriot Advance Capability (PAC-3) missiles with related equipment.  At the time the Pentagon stated that “the proposed sale will help replenish Saudi’s current Patriot missiles which are becoming obsolete and difficult to sustain due to age and the limited availability of repair parts.”[27]

           A naval blockade of Yemeni ports has been an integral part of the Saudi-led coalition’s war in Yemen.  In October 2015 the United States announced a $10 billion deal to supply Saudi Arabia with 4 Multi-Mission Surface Combatant (MMSC) ships.[28] The ships are an adaptation of the Freedom variant of the U.S. Navy’s Littoral Combat Ship. The Pentagon has stated that “this acquisition will enhance the stability and maritime security in the sea areas around the Arabian Peninsula and support strategic objectives of the United States.” Once it has been accomplished, the transfer will also enhance Saudi Navy’s ability to enforce a future blockade of the sort currently being imposed in Yemen.

           Prior U.S. offers of naval equipment to Saudi Arabia have included 30 Mark V patrol boats, and the Phalanx Close-in-Weapons System for installation on Saudi Arabia’s fleet of Patrol Chaser Missile Ships (also of U.S. origin).[29]

The Corporate Connection

           The Saudi sales boom has provided billions in new business to key U.S. defense contractors, including General Dynamics, the producer of the MA1/A2S tank; Boeing, the producer of the F-15S combat aircraft, the Apache helicopter, and the Joint Direct Attack Munition; Lockheed Martin, the prime contractor for the C-130J transport plane, the principal supplier of the Multi-Mission Surface Combatant (MMSC) and a lead supplier of the PAC-3 missile defense system; and Raytheon, which is also a lead contractor on the PAC-3 as well as the prime contractor for the Phalanx Close-In Weapon System.  Sikorsky, now a unit of Lockheed Martin, is the producer of the Black Hawk helicopter, which has also been offered to Saudi Arabia. These are just the main U.S. defense firms involved in some of the largest U.S. arms offers to Saudi Arabia.  There are many others involved in the production of bombs, air-to-ground missiles, armored vehicles, and other defense equipment to the kingdom.[30]

Original link: ciponline

Related latest post:

PKL Services gets $495 million Saudi F-15 support contract

Hopes for more Eurofighter orders

Symmetrical Response: Russia Will Get Division of Troops 85 KM Off US Border

17:07 28.08.2016(updated 23:32 28.08.2016)

Last week, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu confirmed that the Russian military plans to establish a coastal defense division in Chukotka, eastern Russia by 2018. Respected independent defense analyst Sergei Ishchenko comments on the news, and on how it may ultimately affect the security situation in the region.

Speaking at a Defense Ministry meeting on Tuesday, Shoigu confirmed that "there are plans to form a coastal defense division in 2018 on the Chukotka operational direction." The minister added that this decision was actually made in July 2015, and is part of a plan to establish a unified system of coastal defense stretching from the Arctic in the north to the Primorye Territory in the south. The system, according to Shoigu, is intended "to ensure control of the closed sea zones of the Kuril Islands and the Bering Strait, cover the routes of Pacific Fleet forces' deployment in the Far Eastern and Northern sea zones, and increase the combat viability of naval strategic nuclear forces" operating in the area. In other words, the new division will help ensure the defense of Russia's sparsely populated eastern coast.

Commenting on the defense minister's announcement in an analysis for the independent online newspaper Svobodnaya Pressa, defense analyst Sergei Ishchenko pointed out that so far, no other details have been provided on this future military force. "However, it's obvious that this is not just ordinary news, not least because what we're talking about is the creation of a serious military force just a stone's throw away from the United States: only the Bering Strait will separate the Russian coastal defense division from Alaska. At its narrowest point, that's only 86 km away. Therefore, it's worth taking a closer look at this announcement."

What's more, the military analyst pointed out that the news is important because today, the Russian military "does not actually have a single coastal defense division. Therefore, there is no model on how it may look, and how it will be staffed. The only similar force is based in Crimea – consisting of the 126th Separate Coastal Defense Brigade of the Black Sea Fleet (formerly the 36th Separate Brigade of the Ukrainian Navy, which changed sides almost in its entirety to Russia in 2014). But a brigade-sized force is far from being a division. Its combat capabilities are much more modest."

"Secondly," Ishchenko noted, "we have had a short-lived but not particularly successful experience in creating coastal defense divisions as part of the Soviet Navy." The analyst recalled that in the late 1980s, in accordance with the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, the Soviet military transferred four infantry divisions to the Navy, placing them in the charge of the Baltic, Pacific, Northern and Black Sea Fleets.

"Of course, the personnel, armaments and equipment used by these suddenly 'navalized' forces did not change, and remained typical Soviet ground forces' fare. It's just that their range of tasks now also included the defense of sea and ocean coasts, fighting enemy landing parties, and being prepared for their own deployment on enemy shores in the second tier after the naval infantry."

"In reality, these coastal defense divisions did not have the time to prepare to carry out these tasks," the analyst noted. "The two that stood at Klaipeda [Lithuania] and Simferopol [Crimea] did not survive the collapse of the USSR." As for the divisions inside Russia proper, the last of them, the 40th Division of the Pacific Fleet, was disbanded in 1994.

Apart from that, the Chukotka region has already stationed another Soviet military force – the 99th Motorized Rifle Division, which while not operating formally as a coastal defense division, defended Anadyr and its environs beginning in 1983. Back then, Ishchenko recalled, the Soviet Union and the United States were locked in the Cold War struggle. In a situation where US intermediate range missiles based in Western Europe were capable of reaching the Soviet capital in just over five minutes, the Soviet defense ministry responded with plans to deploy its own intermediate range missiles, the SS-20 Pioneer, against Alaska and the northern states of the US West Coast, in Chukotka.

"The kill zones of our missiles included the US early warning station at Clear, Alaska, the Cobra Dane radar on Shemya Island in the Aleutians, the Parks early warning radar in North Dakota, and the US nuclear missile sub base at Bangor, near Seattle. That was enough to force Washington to put on its thinking cap."

The 99th Motorized Rifle Division was deployed to the Far East to keep an eye on the Pioneer missiles, and to defend the strategically important Anadyr Airport, which then held the strategic bombers patrolling the northern Pacific near US borders.

"What were the conditions like for our motorized infantrymen in these parts? During the winter, which in Chukotka lasts nearly 9 months, the division's tanks, armored personnel carriers and other vehicles were buried so deep under the snow that it was necessary to search for them using improvised wire feelers. Those Moscow journalists who visited the area in the 90s named the 99th Motorized Rifle the 'Frozen division'. But at the same time, neither would it be easy for anyone who dared to encroach on Soviet Chukotka. Across the Bering Strait, the US Army fielded the 6th Light Infantry Division."

In the early 1990s, the expert wrote, "the winds of Gorbachev's perestroika blew everything away – including the Pioneer missiles, the Anadyr airport, its top-secret Object C nuclear storage facility, and the 99th Motorized Rifle Division itself, which was disbanded in 1996." For many years, "the polar winds whistled through Anadyr's abandoned barracks, among the military equipment, and the clubs, cafeterias and homes of the officers…"

"The restoration of the area's garrisons began with the airfield. The military returned there in 2014. Anadyr has once again become an airbase for the Tu-95MS and Tu-160 strategic bombers, which regularly visit from the Engels air force base along the Volga. Returning the Pioneers is impossible – they were all destroyed. But a division of troops, it's now clear, will come here once again – this time not the 99th Motorized Rifle, but a coastal defense division belonging to the Pacific Fleet."

Some may ask why the Russian military would seek to place a division's worth of troops in such an inhospitable area. The answer, Ishchenko suggested, isn't hard to find. "To find the answer to that question, it's enough to look across the border. In Alaska, we see a scattering of important objects belonging to the US Army. First of all, this is the Elmendorf Air Force Base at Anchorage, which stations not only aircraft, but the command of the 11th Air Army and the Alaskan zone of NORAD. Next door is Fort Richardson, which houses the 4th Brigade Combat Team (Airborne) of the 25th Infantry Division."

"And most important, of course, is the air base. It's from its well-heated hangers that the newest fifth generation US fighter, the F-22 Raptor, rises into the air to intercept the Russian strategic bombers which have resumed regular patrols along the edges of US Arctic borders."

Effectively, the analyst suggested, "if we suppose that alongside the coastal defense division, Russia deploys the Iskander mobile short range ballistic missile system, the US F-22s may no longer have time to intercept the Russian bombers, while US missile warning stations could unexpectedly go dark." In any case, he noted, "the staff at the Elmendorf base, and the troops at Fort Richardson will go to bed at night with an uneasy feeling, as they did during Cold War days."

Perhaps then, US military officials may get at least a taste of the concern Russian military planners feel when they see large-scale NATO exercises along Russia's western frontiers, and parades involving US troops just a few hundred meters from Russia's borders.

Original post: sputniknews

Related post:

Russian military plans buildup from West to Pacific

Russia to form 3 new divisions to counter NATO buildup

Rafale deal at final clearance level, may get go ahead soon

By Manu Pubby, ET Bureau | Sep 08, 2016, 03.02 AM IST

NEW DELHI: It's going to be a big test for Indo-French relations as the Rafale fighter jet dealhas reached the final clearance level after protracted negotiations. The price of the combat aircraft has come down to 7.25 billion and Paris is offering cutting-edge technology, including jet engine knowhow, to India.

Sources told ET the deal for 36 fighter aircraft could be cleared as early as the next meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS), with the defence ministry completing all formalities and negotiations with the French side.

A decision on the deal is critical for France that has suffered a setback with the leak of sensitive documents of the Scorpene submarine project, currently being executed in Mumbai.

Also, French firms have come under the scanner for donations to an NGO operated by a Delhi-based consultant. The fighter jet deal, which was first announced during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Paris trip in April 2015, has been stuck for over a year on pricing and offset issues. The final terms of contract are currently being vetted by the Prime Minister's Office (PMO).

Sources said the issues raised by the PMO, after a scrutiny of documents, have been clarified by the defence ministry. "Unless there are any unforeseen complications, the jet fighter contract should happen soon. The price has been substantially lowered after several rounds of tough negotiations," an official aware of the developments told ET.

As part of the deal, France will invest 50 per cent of the value of the deal in the domestic defence and aviation sectors as an offset clause. France has offered 16 critical technologies to India as part of the deal.

These technologies, which would be valued as part of the offset package, would be shared with the Defence Research and Development Organisation. The French side has also expressed its willingness to share technology and invest 1-billion to revive India's combat jet engine project, Kaveri. The plan is to develop an upgraded gas turbine to power indigenous Tejas fighters by 2020.

The French side will also assist Indian private industry in setting up a global supply chain as part of the offset plan. Among other projects, French firm Dassault is likely to set up a line in India with a private partner to manufacture major structural parts for its Falcon executive jet aircraft.

Original post: economictimes

Related post:

Govt seeks 134 million euro waiver from France for Rafale deal