Saturday, 2 June 2018

Saudi Arabia threatens ‘military action’ if Qatar purchases Russian S-400 systems

© Paul Gypteau / AFP


RT


Saudi Arabia threatens ‘military action’ if Qatar purchases Russian S-400 systems – report


Published time: 2 Jun, 2018 04:37

Saudi Arabia has reportedly threatened “military action” against Qatar should its neighbor acquire Russian S-400 missile defense systems, according to Le Monde, citing a letter from King Salman to the French presidency.

In June 2017, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the UAE, and Egypt, among other Gulf states, cut off diplomatic relations with Qatar, accusing it of supporting and funding terrorism. Doha was also accused of “meddling” in the internal affairs of its neighbors and of expressing support for Saudi Arabia’s historic rival Iran.

Now Riyadh is reportedly worried that Doha’s planned acquisition of Russia's S-400 surface-to-air missile units will jeopardize the “national security” of its Persian Gulf neighbors. According to information obtained by Le Monde, King Salman has recently sent a letter to the French presidency, where he expressed his “deep concern” vis-à-vis the ongoing S-400 negotiations between Doha and Moscow.

If the deal goes ahead “the Kingdom would be ready to take all necessary measures to eliminate this defense system, including military action,” the letter, addressed to President Emmanuel Macron, reportedly warns, asking Paris to apply diplomatic pressure on Doha.

The Qatari Ambassador to Russia in January noted that the countries are at an “advanced stage” of negotiating the purchase of the sophisticated S-400 aid-defense system. At the time, Fahad bin Mohammed Al-Attiyah noted that a military cooperation agreement, signed in October 2017 during the visit of Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoigu to the Arab state, “opened a path for Russia and Qatar to interact in [the] defense sphere, including deliveries of hardware, training of soldiers and officers, maintenance of weapons and, of course, cooperation of special services.”

The S-400 Triumf, also known under NATO disambiguation as ‘Growler,’ can detect and intercept almost anything that flies: From strategic bombers to radar and electronic warfare planes, to tactical attack jets, to cruise and ballistic missiles of all sizes and shapes. With this multi-functionality in mind, its only competitor is the tried-and-tested American Patriot, which, however, boasts much more modest specifications.

While Washington has yet to comment on the anticipated purchase of S-400s by Qatar, the US has recently locked horns with Ankara over its decision to secure its airspace using Russian systems. The US continues to insist that Turkey should only be using NATO-compatible systems and buying them from “allies.” Raising the stakes, US lawmakers introduced a bill which seeks to ban F-35 deliveries to Turkey, referring to the country as “increasingly hostile.”

US lawmakers also warned India that procurement of Russian advanced military systems may jeopardize defense cooperation and technology-sharing between Washington and New Delhi, urging the country to reconsider the purchase.

Source: rt.com

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S-400 Triumph (SA-21 Growler): Details

U.S. Navy selects the Norwegian Naval Strike Missile as its new over-the-horizon anti-ship missile



It’s official: The U.S. Navy has a new ship killer missile


By: David B. Larter  

WASHINGTON — The U.S. Navy has selected the Norwegian Naval Strike Missile as its new over-the-horizon anti-ship missile destined for the littoral combat ship and likely the service’s future frigate as well.

The NSM, which was a joint submission between Kongsberg and Raytheon, was widely expected to win the competition after its main competitors — Boeing’s extended range Harpoon and Lockheed Martin’s Long-Range Anti-Ship Missile — dropped from contention. Both companies felt the competition was skewed towards the Raytheon/Kongsberg offering, Defense News reported last May.

The introduction of the NSM to the fleet breaks the venerable Harpoon’s decades-long lock on the surface over-the-horizon mission and is a huge boost to Kongsberg’s ambitions in the U.S. market.

The initial contract is listed at about $14.86 million but it could grow to as much as $848 million over the life of the contract.

It positions the missile well as the market for surface-to-surface missiles is expected to increase in the coming years, said Oeyvind Kolset with Kongsberg’s missile systems outfit. Many of the word’s anti-ship missiles are coming to the end of their service lives and the selection of the missile by the U.S. Navy bodes well for future sales, Kolset said.

It is also a major victory for the European defense industry, which is seeing increasing interest from the U.S. Navy as it races to fill capabilities gaps in the face of competition with Russia and China.

In a conference call, Raytheon’s head of the Naval Strike Missile, Joint Strike Missile and Tomahawk programs said that his company was anxious to get started and that conversations with the Navy on exact details of how and where the first NSMs will be integrated began Friday morning.

“We just started dialogue with the customer, this has been a long competition and we are just now having those initial conversations with the U.S. Navy,” Daily said.

The Naval Strike Missile has a range of more than 100 nautical miles and has target-recognition capabilities that limit the need for another ship or aircraft to hold a track on the target.

In January, Rear Adm. Ronald Boxall, the chief of naval operations’ director of surface warfare, forecast that the competition would be wrapped up by summer and said the next step will be going after targeting at longer ranges.

The Navy is looking at a combination of manned aircraft, unmanned aircraft and submarines as potential partners in helping the surface Navy hold adversaries at risk at increasing ranges.

Source: defensenews.com

Related post:

Naval Strike Missile: Details

Russia to build 5th-generation nuclear sub with hypersonic missiles by 2027

Husky-class fifth-generation nuclear-powered submarine -  russiadefence.net 


Russia to build 5th-generation nuclear sub with hypersonic missiles by 2027, source says


The United Ship-Building Corporation did not comment on this information for TASS


MOSCOW, May 31. /TASS/. The Husky-class fifth-generation lead nuclear-powered submarine armed with Zircon hypersonic missiles is expected to be built by 2027, a source in the Russian defense sector told TASS on Thursday.

"The Husky has been included in the state armament program for 2018-2027. There are plans to start the experimental design work on the construction of submarines of this class from 2023 and deliver the lead vessel by the end of 2027," the source said.

"Zircon hypersonic anti-ship missiles will become the main armament of the newest multipurpose submarine," the source added.

The results of the R&D work that has been carried out by now to design this submarine "have been recognized as unsatisfactory" as "they fail to meet the customer’s requirements," the source added.

The United Ship-Building Corporation did not comment on this information for TASS.

Husky sub and Zircon hypersonic missiles

The St. Petersburg-based Malakhit design bureau announced in early 2014 that it was designing a fifth-generation multipurpose nuclear-powered submarine. In 2016, it was reported that the Project was code-named Husky (a breed of dogs that pulls sleighs). At first, the design bureau carried out R&D work on its own initiative and in 2016 a contract with Russia’s Defense Ministry was signed. In late April 2018, Head of Russia’s United Ship-Building Corporation Alexei Rakhmanov said that the Husky Project would be finalized in compliance with the requirements of the Russian Navy. The Severnoye Machine-Building Enterprise (Severodvinsk) is expected to build the submarine.

The future submarine’s performance characteristics have been classified. According to open sources, the Husky will feature a two-hull design traditional for the Russian Navy and displace 12,000 tonnes. The submarine will be furnished with the most advanced combat information and control system, a sonar and a system of integration into the unified information space of the Russian Armed Forces.

The universal missile system with the Zircon hypersonic missile (it develops a speed of Mach 5-6) has been developed by the Research and Production Association of Machine-Building and is undergoing trials now. The Zircon hypersonic missiles are expected to be mounted on airborne and seaborne carriers.

Russia is currently building a series of Project 885 Yasen-class fourth-generation multipurpose submarines. Of seven such submarines whose construction is envisaged by the state armament program for 2011-2020, only one sub, the K-560 Severodvinsk, has been commissioned by now.

Source: tass.com


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Yasen / Graney Class Submarine (Project 885/885M): Details

Friday, 1 June 2018

On June 1 St. Andrew's flag will be raised on the newest small rocket ship "Vyshniy Volochek" the sixth ship of project 21631 "Buyan-M"



On June 1 St. Andrew's flag will be raised on the newest small rocket ship "Kursk". MRK "Kursk" is the sixth ship of the project 21631 "Buyan-M", capable of carrying on board cruise missiles "caliber"  Source: Минобороны России  


* Note there must be an error as the ship name does not correspond to the list which shows the 6th ship as "Vyshniy Volochek" (see ship details)



Related article:

Buyan Class Corvettes: Details

3 new Type 056 corvettes launched since the end of April



Translated by google


 BY HENRI KENHMANN

If the Type 056 corvette program seems to have had a short break in 2017, with only three vessels launched versus six to ten in previous years, the year 2018 obviously brings some momentum to the construction of this class of Chinese light warship, designed in part for the protection of the country's coast and maritime interests in its exclusive economic zones.

And as proof, five new hulls have been launched since the beginning of the year - if our monitoring is correct - including three since the end of April. The total number of Type 056 built so far would be 49, out of about 60 copies already ordered.

Of these five brand new corvettes, each displacing approximately 1,340 tonnes, two are built by Hudong Shipyard in Shanghai, two others by Liaonan Shipyard in northern China, and one at Huangpu Shipyard near Guangzhou in China. South. Only the shipyard Wuchang, one of the four production entities responsible for the construction of this class of ship, appears to have not yet launched Type 056 this year.

It will also be noted that the launch of the last Type 056, the 17th built in Shanghai and launched on May 16, was only two months apart from the previous one in the same shipyard. A pace never seen before.......Continue reading: HERE


Graphic source: IISS

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Modi Needs to Show India Has Teeth

© AFP 2018  Indranil MUKHERJEE


Asia is ready for India to step up as the U.S. withdraws.

BY ATMAN TRIVEDI, AMY SEARIGHT | MAY 31, 2018, 2:47 PM

sia’s premier security meeting is this week, and all eyes will be on Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as he gives his keynote speech — the first for an Indian leader. The defense chiefs and diplomats at the Shangri-La Dialogue are eager to see whether Modi — and India — have the chops to take on an increasingly critical regional role.

Asia’s uncertain political and economic climate presents an opportunity for Modi. U.S. President Donald Trump’s policies, including the withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement and a purely transactional approach to longtime alliances, have contributed to strategic drift in the region as China grows assertive and authoritarian. The situation calls for steady leadership — and the United States and its Pacific allies better hope that New Delhi can deliver.

One of the few things Washington’s leaders can agree on is that the “Asian century” should be India’s as much as China’s. Yet, India’s inadequate defense-industrial base and lack of regional economic integration threaten to frustrate its ambitions. Modi needs to convince Asia’s elites that his country is ready to become a leading power that can ensure no one country can dominate the region’s future.

It’s fitting Modi gets the historic honor of taking center stage. Singapore, the host of the summit, has longed for New Delhi to provide strategic balance to the Asia-Pacific since the early days of the city-state’s founder Lee Kuan Yew. One of Modi’s early foreign-policy moves was to replace India’s “Look East” approach with a more energetic “Act East” strategy.

The country has since made some tantalizing moves eastward, but Singapore is not alone in wanting India to show up and stand out. Most Asian governments would love to witness Modi declare a strong and sustained commitment, backed by resources, to being a “leading power” championing well-accepted norms. But until recently, India lacked the national capacity for a bigger, bolder regional policy........Continue reading: HERE

Graphics: worldview.stratfor.com

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Asia's defence budgets dispel 'arms race' myth

Asian defence spending has not grown faster than the region's economies - and the share of defence budgets allocated to procurement and R&D has held steady over time.

Date: 30 May 2018


By Lucie Béraud-Sudreau, Research Fellow for Defence Economics and Procurement

Asia’s substantial defence-spending increases saw it overtake Europe as the second-largest defence-spending region in 2012. This has encouraged some to label the Asian regional arms dynamic as an arms race. However, a close look at the numbers refutes this argument.

First, defence spending in individual Asian countries has not, in aggregate, been growing faster than those nations’ economies. This indicates that defence has not been disproportionately favoured over other areas of expenditure. In addition, the proportion of defence spending dedicated to procurement and modernisation has stayed constant in recent years. Data also supports the argument that weapons purchases have neither an excessive nor increasing priority in the region.

Slowdown in Asian defence spending growth

Since 2012, Asia as a whole has spent more on defence than European countries, when measured in real terms.


However, the pace of growth slowed down in 2017. While the annual growth rate was more than 5% between 2013 and 2016, this contracted to between 2% and 3% last year. This downturn could reflect the end of a military-modernisation cycle that began after the 1997–98 Asian financial crisis.

This cycle brought new capabilities to regional armed forces, including those provided by a new generation of stand-off and precision-guided weapons (AGM-142, JDAM, JSOW); improved intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) from airborne early-warning and command aircraft and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs); and enhanced power projection (through new submarines, and large aviation-capable ships), to name but a few. Such developments are particularly evident in the case of China.

An alternative explanation is the imposition of temporary economic constraints, despite the continuation of overall regional economic growth. If this hypothesis is correct, then stronger defence-spending growth should pick up again in the short term. Southeast Asian countries, in particular, have moderated their defence-spending growth or implemented cuts in their defence budgets. This is mostly the consequence of the global trade slowdown of recent years, and the impact of commodity-price falls on government spending.

For example, Malaysia’s defence budget fell by 15.9% in real terms from 2016–17, after a decline of 4.5% from 2015–16. Economic constraints evidently played a role; low commodity prices from 2014–17 impacted government revenue. In this fiscally constrained environment, Malaysia’s re-equipment plans for its armed forces have stalled.

After years of double-digit defence-budget growth rates, since 2016 China’s defence budget has fallen into line with GDP growth of around 6–7%. This almost certainly does not signal any weakening in the political commitment to develop Chinese military capabilities, a recurring theme in the speeches of leader Xi Jinping. Rather, it represents an adaptation to slower economic growth.

Defence spending is stable as a share of GDP

The recent trajectory of defence spending seems to have been influenced primarily by economic conditions, apart from in Japan and South Korea, which are motivated by their concerns over the threat posed by North Korea. Although Asia is the world’s strongest economic region, nations still face temporary economic constraints and may check public spending. This includes checks on defence budgets, which are only one of many public priorities such as health or education.

Hence, since 2010, Asian countries in general do not appear to have prioritised defence spending particularly: the share of aggregate GDP across Asia dedicated to defence has not risen significantly over the past decade, fluctuating around 1.4–1.5% between 2008 and 2017. By comparison, European spending as a share of GDP varied between 1.3–1.5% in this period, and the Middle East and North African countries between 4 and 5%.


No strong increases in defence investments

Analysis of budget breakdowns also shows that defence investments (i.e. procurement and research and development [R&D] spending) have remained stable over time. This shows that, despite modernisation efforts, procurement has not been excessively prioritised over other expense categories such as personnel or maintenance.

Indeed, IISS research shows that, although there is an increase over time in aggregated Asian defence-investment budgets, the average share of defence investment in total budgets appears fairly constant at around 18%. This proportion was, however, lower in 2017 (17.9%) than it was in 2012 (18.6%). For comparison, NATO expects its members to dedicate 20% of their defence budgets to procurement and R&D.



Within this aggregate picture, China is by far the biggest spender on procurement, with an estimated US$50.2 billion expended in 2017, accounting for over 50% of total regional defence investments. However, it should be noted that this figure is heavily based on a rule-of-thumb estimate.

China’s 2010 defence White Paper claimed that equipment expenses, including R&D, represented one-third of the total defence budget. This was confirmed in China’s most recent report to the United Nations Military Expenditure database in 2013. The Chinese government has not released additional information on the sectoral allocation of defence spending since then.

The next three largest spenders on defence equipment and R&D by volume in 2017 were India (US$13.7bn), South Korea (US$9.7bn), and Japan (US$8.6bn). These are also Asia’s biggest overall defence spenders behind China. While this suggests India is one of the main spenders in terms of defence investments, the figures could be misleading.

Observers have noted that recent rises in India’s overall defence budget have been dedicated to covering the costs of pension-benefit increases (as a result of the country’s ‘One Rank, One Pension’ reform). This is reflected in the available data, which shows a decline in the proportion of the budget dedicated to defence investments from 33.6% in 2012 to 25.3% in 2018. Moreover, in 2017 the declining proportion of the defence budget allocated to procurement and R&D was entirely spent, for the first time since 2010.

For instance, the planned 2016 budget for capital outlays (procurements) was INR785.9bn (US$11.7bn), but the actual expenditure for that year was only INR717bn (US$10.7bn); so given that INR716.8bn (US$10.9bn) was spent in 2015, capital outlay was effectively stagnant. The planned INR864.9bn (US$12.6bn) for capital outlays in 2017 may also not be fully spent.


Asia’s headline defence budgets haven’t increased disproportionately given the pace of economic growth in the region, and the share of defence spending dedicated to defence investments (i.e. equipment modernisation) has remained stable. A close examination of the relevant data dispels the often-heard and dramatic argument of an ‘Asian arms race’.

This is an edited extract from the forthcoming Asia-Pacific Regional Security Assessment, which will be released at the IISS Shangri-La Dialogue on 1 June.

This article was published by iissorg on 30 May 2018