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A U.S. Air Force F-35A Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter flies
during an aerial refueling mission. The Trump administration will consider
whether it's willing to sell F-35s to the UAE. (Master Sgt. John R. Nimmo
Sr./U.S. Air Force)
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TEL AVIV, Israel ― As part of a larger U.S. strategy for enhanced
strategic cooperation with the United Arab Emirates, the Trump administration
has agreed to consider a long-standing request by Abu Dhabi to enter into
preliminary talks on future procurement of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter.
While no decision has been made, the willingness to consider
extending a classified briefing to the UAE as the first significant step toward
acquisition of the fifth-generation stealth fighter signals a departure from policy
enforced under former President Barack Obama. The Obama administration had
consistently rebuffed Emirati requests for the briefing dating back to 2011,
citing Washington’s commitment to preserve Israel’s so-called Qualitative
Military Edge, or QME.
In interviews, Gulf experts and industry executives insist the
Trump administration fully intends to uphold congressionally mandated
commitments to the QME, which aim to provide Israel the weaponry and assistance
it needs to unilaterally defend itself against any combination of regional
foes. At the same time, Washington wants to build on an expanded U.S.-UAE
Defense Cooperation Agreement unveiled in May during Crown Prince and Deputy
Supreme Commander Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan’s meetings with Trump and Defense
Secretary Jim Mattis in the U.S. capital.
“The Trump team has agreed to consider the request. It’s not a
‘yes’ yet, but I’m pretty sure it’s going to happen once the dust settles,” a
former Pentagon official told Defense News. He was referring to the ongoing
dispute between the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain with Qatar ― a rift the
administration needs to amend before it can effectively implement Trump’s new
strategy for countering nuclear and non-nuclear threats from Iran.
Experts cite a convergence of events that support extending
preliminary F-35 program access to the UAE, the only Arab country to have
participated in six U.S.-led coalition missions since the 1991 Gulf War and
which hosts thousands of Americans deployed with the U.S. Air Force’s 380th Air
Expeditionary Wing.
Firstly, unlike Saudi Arabia, which is some 20 kilometers from
Israel’s Red Sea town of Eilat, the UAE does not share a maritime or land
border with Israel. And unlike Saudi Arabia or other Gulf Cooperation Council
states, the UAE Air Force has openly participated with the Israeli Air Force in
international exercises, the latest in March in Greece with the Italian and
Hellenic air forces and in annual U.S. Air Force Red Flag drills in Nevada.
Considering the common threat from Iran, and the time it would take
for Abu Dhabi to negotiate a contract with Washington, let alone begin to take
first deliveries, sources note that Israel will have enjoyed more than a decade
of exclusivity as the only Air Force in the region to operate the F-35.
Israel’s Ministry of Defense declined public comment on the
potential easing of F-35 restrictions for Abu Dhabi, citing sensitivities.
Privately, however, sources said Israel is unlikely to object if initial steps
are limited only to the UAE, and will not trigger wider approval for other GCC
states.
“The two countries are not allies; not even friends. But under
currently conceivable scenarios, if anyone thinks that the UAE will use this
airplane to attack Israel, he or she is not living in reality,” said Shoshana
Bryen, senior director at the Washington-based Jewish Policy Center.
Danny Sebright, president of the U.S.-U.A.E. Business Council, said
Abu Dhabi has been frustrated by U.S. policy governing technology transfer to
the region. “The way our policy works now is Israel versus all other Arab
countries. But they have no negative intentions toward the Israelis and don’t
see themselves going to war with them. And as such, they don’t want decisions
being held up based on how other Arab countries may affect Israel’s QME.”
In a recent interview, Sebright said Washington should consider
UAE’s requests based on the merits of its long-standing partnership with the
U.S. and its contribution to regional stability. He said the new 15-year
Defense Cooperation Agreement is meant to be an indefinite umbrella agreement
that should ultimately cover the F-35 and other front-line American weaponry as
well as joint research and development, more special operations cooperation,
and other bilateral initiatives.
In a 13-page report published by the U.S.-U.A.E. Business Council
last month, Sebright listed a broad spectrum of areas ― from counterterrorism
to Afghanistan reconstruction efforts ― in which Abu Dhabi has materially
contributed to U.S. security and its interests in and far beyond the Arabian
Gulf. He noted that the UAE is one of the largest customers of the U.S. Foreign
Military Sales program and ranks among the top 15 defense spenders in the
world.
“U.S.-UAE basing agreements, joint training and weapons sales are not
merely for show. ... The UAE has become not just a consumer of security, but
also a provider of security in the Gulf region and the wider Middle East,”
Sebright said.
Nevertheless, he warned that U.S. restrictions may force Abu Dhabi
to turning to non-Western countries for major military systems. Earlier this
year, the UAE and Russia signed a letter of intent to jointly develop a
fifth-generation fighter based on the MiG-29, while Moscow announced UAE
interest in potential procurement of the Sukhoi Su-35.
“Whether or not this transpires can be viewed as a reflection of
the UAE’s frustration with the US acquisition process,” Sebright wrote. He said
Abu Dhabi’s unmet F-35 request “is not an isolated case.” He cited the UAE’s
purchase of Chinese UAVs as a supplement to a U.S. acquisition of unarmed
Predator drones, the catalyst being Washington’s refusal to approve
strike-capable systems.
“The UAE is not only a consumer of US security, but a provider for
US security. ... While they may be willing to consider non-Western suppliers,
it is important to emphasize that it continues to demonstrate a strong
preference for US [weaponry] … which comes with US training and support and
further reinforces the bilateral defense and security relationship that is so
important” to both countries, the report concludes.
Simon Henderson, director of the Washington Institute’s Gulf and
Energy Policy Program, suggested that Saudi Arabia could dispel concerns
regarding its intentions toward Israel by publicly participating in U.S.-led
exercises aimed at regional defense.
“The US would consider selling F-35s to the Saudis if the Saudis
were not a threat to Israel. And an indication they are not a threat to Israel
would be for Saudi Arabia and Israel to take part in the same third-party air
exercises,” Henderson said.
Original post: defensenews.com
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